Members of an indigenous people's rights movement from Masaya
Yesterday morning, over 600 representatives of the majority of the 600 NGOs and community organizations that are members of the Coordinadora Civil (CC) came to Managua from all over Nicaragua to contribute their voices to a national proposal from civil society to the government. This proposal (a 30 page document) is backed, through this network, by literally tens of thousands of Nicaragüenses – from all political parties. It demands the government for (essentially) a budget overhaul that prioritizes education and, to a lesser extent, basic infrastructure. Its urgency is to ensure the fiscal security and stability of a country with a rapidly aging population which it will be unable to support without major investments in education now.
Raising the Coordinadora Civil flag in a show of support from the audience for the new proposal
At this inspiring event, I met community leaders from all parts of Nicaragua: young, old, city dwellers, campesinos, rich, poor, women, men, straight, LGBT. Each, either alone or with a group, represented a civil society organization or “NGO.” While technically any civil society organization is an NGO by virtue of being “non-governmental”, the groups I met, such as the indigenous right movement from Masaya, composed of all local volunteers, hardly conjure up the typical image of an “NGO.” Let’s put it this way: there were few air-conditioned 4x4s to be found in the parking lot, and not a single chele (white person) in the audience. This is not to say that the CC does not have extensive international relations – in fact that’s part of its role, connecting with international solidarity groups – but rather this event, this proposal, was from Nicaraguans and for Nicaraguans. To me, that seems like real poder ciudadano – citizen power.
Members of the Coordinadora Civil listening, interacting, and reading over the final draft of the proposal
When asked why they are part of the CC, the universal response of the attendees was to “have a voice” in political affairs. All with whom I spoke were volunteers. (The CC only has eight employees – the vast majority of their organizing is done by local volunteers.) All were Nicaraguan. All were community organizers – whether this was their mission or simply a means to another broader goal, I’m not sure. Some of these organizations do have social service projects, but it seemed like the majority were actively involved in social change and even the ones that are involved in social service use their networks of recipients to help bolster the impact of the CC on public policy – whether by collecting signatures, educating, or organizing marches.
Why do they all bother? Because this is a “way they can help their homeland.” It’s hard to imagine – and not be inspired by – all this national volunteerism given that many people in Nicaragua can barely eat, let alone have time to organize. Yet maybe – hopefully – this is an indication of a growing awareness that their long-term survival might just depend on their participation in public politics. National volunteerism has strong roots in Nicaragua, from its unbelievable peak in the early 1980s to today, apparently surviving – if ever so slightly – through two decades of neoliberalism.
One of the community leaders of the Coordinadora Civil speaking to the group about the importance of the proposal.
One of the groups I met, of the regional network of Chinandega, recounted to me their battle against water privatization. (Water privatization, a common effect of neoliberalism, often results in massive price increases – an undue burden on the poor – with limited to no corresponding increases in quality of service.) Through their network, they were able to gather 44,000 signatures in four days, using 120 students, working in two shifts a day on the streets of the towns in Chinandega.
The best part?
It worked.
This is just one example of the work of the members of the CC. This was not the work of an NGO. This was the work of the people – organized and empowered. It’s a network built on trust and a dream that they can change their fate together – not by competing with one another in a neoliberal battle to lift themselves out of poverty “by their bootstraps” – but rather united against oppression. Optimism, unity, and trust like that take time to build, but can they be destroyed much more quickly?
Demoralizing Resistance
(from La Prensa, NOT my photo) Sandinista youth "turba" member chasing after members of the Coordinadora Civil
That destruction of civil society must be President Daniel Ortega’s hope. After approving the proposal at the national assembly, a large group (probably 200) of mostly younger members of the CC bussed to a large open space borrowed from the nearby cathedral to hold a cultural event. (I did not hear the announcement for this part, luckily?) When they arrived, instead of being greeted by the beckoning call of traditional Nica music, they found themselves the targets of yells, spit, stones, sticks, fists, and motorcycle helmets from a hundred or more turbas – gangs of Sandinista (Danielista) youth. Fifteen were injured. Four staff members of the CC, two of whom I know personally, were attacked and chased by the turbas. All of this was caught on video while the police present just stood and watched. When one police officer out of the dozen or more idly standing by tried to persuade the others to help him stop the turbas, one of his colleagues suggested to him to “leave them to [get] what they deserve” (in more vulgar terms). Those four staff members were also told they have two weeks to leave the country or they will be killed.
(from La Prensa - not my photo!) Sandinista youth running after fleeing Coordinadora Civil members
Is this the poder ciudadano Daniel Ortega’s propaganda raves about in action? Or is this the oppression of the very same grassroots civil society that helped bring about the Sandinista revolution in 1979?
For most in Nicaragua, this is just another sign that Ortega has come full circle. He and Somoza (the dictator family that ruled for 40 years until the revolution) are becoming increasingly hard to tell apart. The only difference is Ortega is a little more ironic about it – claiming his government is “lifting up the poor everywhere” and that his power comes from the pueblo (people).
This attack is not anything new. Ortega’s FSLN engaged in the same paramilitary intimidation tactics in the streets during the 2008 elections – though that time they had machetes and ski masks. Now they don’t even bother with the ski masks. Everyone knows who they are. The police are bought. They operate with impunity.
"Turbas Attack" - this attack made the front page in both local papers, La Prensa and El Nuevo Diario
The only fortunate thing is that the press, and the human rights groups like CENIDH (part of the CC), are watching and reporting. But even they have been subject to censure, false accusations, and vandalism.
“The Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights (CENIDH) lamented that the government uses this type of [aggressiveness] to ‘impose terror and demoralize the population to demand their rights.’” – La Prensa, 8/9/09
(Interestingly, no statement has been released by CPDH – the other main human rights group. They told me they didn’t want to be affiliated with the CC due to “political leanings.” Are they okay with the government infringing on the rights of groups with “political leanings” that challenge neoliberalism – the ideology pushed by their main donor, the US? Or maybe, more innocently, CENIDH just beat them to the punch. It’s hard to say.)
But what is the implication for the civil society the CC represents? What will happen the next time the CC attempts to organize one of its massive 20,000-60,000 person demonstrations against oppressive policies? Will fear hold society back from demanding change?
“Unfortunately we are arriving at a situation in which no one believes in anyone and where no one trusts one another. This makes unity – which is the indispensable condition with which those sectors which now are the opposition can come into power – difficult.” – Dr. Alejandro Serrano Caldera, Political Analyst, Interview in El Nuevo Diario, 8/9/09
Maybe the voice of Mario Sánchez (journalist for the CC), minutes after being thrown to the ground and beaten, – wavering but strong – can be an inspiration to the true pueblo:
“This is my homeland, my nation, my people. We have the right to organize, to protest, to speak freely. We own this land. No one – no government – can take this from us.”
Let’s hope.
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